Editorial Note: This document separates empirical findings from normative assessment. Policy implications and advocacy statements are collected in the dedicated section at the end.
⚠️ METHODOLOGY NOTE — PTI SCORE DIVERGENCE
The velocity figures below derive from the author's PTI scores, where the US is assigned L=48 (Feb 2026). Published indices score the US higher: Freedom House 83/100 (2024 report), V-Dem LDI ~0.65-0.72 (~65-72 scaled). The divergence reflects (a) the PTI's faster update cycle, (b) weighting toward institutional constraint erosion, and (c) incorporation of events post-dating published index coverage. All thesis claims should be evaluated under both the author's PTI and established indices. See Sensitivity Analysis below.
NOTE — ZONE VELOCITY CLASSIFICATION SENSITIVITY
Zone velocities are calculated using ending-zone assignment (countries classified by where they end each period). Starting-zone assignment yields different results (e.g., Tyranny Basin: +0.72/yr under starting-zone vs -0.64/yr under ending-zone). This classification sensitivity means zone velocity claims should be interpreted with caution. Both methods are reported in the full methodology.
-18
points per year
US VELOCITY (2023-25)
3.6× faster than Hungary's erosion (2010-2025)
3× faster than Turkey's descent (2013-2025)
1.6× faster than Tunisia's decline (2019-2025)
The fastest measured decline of any consolidated democracy without a coup in the PTI dataset
CountryPeriodVelocityRelative SpeedPrimary Mechanism
🇺🇸United States
2023-2025-18/yr
Executive capture + Elite compliance
🇹🇳Tunisia
2019-2025-11/yr
Presidential self-coup + Parliament dissolution
🇻🇪Venezuela
1998-2010-8/yr
Constitutional rewrite + Media capture
🇳🇮Nicaragua
2018-2025-6/yr
Protest crackdown + Opposition imprisonment
🇹🇷Turkey
2013-2025-5/yr
Failed coup → Emergency powers → Presidentialism
🇭🇺Hungary
2010-2025-3/yr
Legal/constitutional manipulation ("salami tactics")
🇵🇱Poland (PiS)
2015-2023-2/yr
Judicial capture + Media pressure
US ACCELERATION PROFILE (VELOCITY OVER TIME)
+20-20Velocity (pts/yr)200020102015202020232025+0.8/yrObama era gains-0.7/yr-18/yr26× acceleration
v(t) = ΔL / Δt = (Lt - Lt-1) / (t - t-1)
Velocity measures the rate of change in Liberty score over time. Acceleration measures the change in velocity—the US went from v = -0.7/yr (2020-2023) to v = -18/yr (2023-2025), an acceleration of 26× in 2 years. This rate of change is qualitatively different from gradual erosion patterns observed in Hungary or Poland.
VELOCITY-BASED PROJECTION (CONDITIONAL)
If current velocity (-18/yr) were to continue: L=30 by late 2026 (Stage 7, Consolidated Autocracy).
If velocity decelerates to -8/yr (Venezuela rate): L=32 by 2028.
If velocity decelerates to -3/yr (Hungary rate): L=39 by 2030.
Under these three velocity scenarios, the model projects convergence toward the Tyranny attractor (L < 30) within 5 years. However, deceleration or reversal — while historically rare at this stage — would alter these projections. See Policy Implications below.

Policy Implications & Normative Assessment

The following normative assessments are separated from the empirical analysis above. They reflect the author's interpretation of the data and should be evaluated independently from the statistical findings.

The velocity data, if the PTI scoring methodology is accepted, represents a qualitative departure from the gradual erosion patterns observed in Hungary, Turkey, or Poland. The author interprets the 26x acceleration as evidence that the US case involves a different mechanism — coordinated executive action rather than incremental institutional capture — and that this mechanism may require correspondingly different countermeasures. Conventional democratic resilience strategies (voter mobilization, legal challenges, legislative obstruction) were designed for slow-erosion scenarios; the velocity observed here suggests these may be insufficient without structural adaptation. However, the PTI's divergence from published indices means that the severity of these implications depends substantially on which measurement framework is accepted. Under published scores (FH 83), the velocity is lower and conventional democratic mechanisms may remain adequate.